Existence
How do languages say “there is”?
“The water is in the river” takes the water as given and tells you where it is. “There is water in the river” reverses that: the river is the setting and the water is the news. Saying that something exists therefore reuses the machinery for saying where it is, and languages differ in how much they change along the way — some leave the locational predicate untouched, some add a placeholder subject, some borrow the possessive verb, and some keep a predicate for existence alone. The choice often splits by animacy and by number.
- Domain
- ExistenceLocationPossession
- Structure
- SyncretismExpletive subject
- Mechanism
- GrammaticalizationReanalysis
Strategies
Plain locational clause
[X] ([at LOC]) [be located]One clause shape serves both readings. Japanese 本が机の上にある is “the book is on the desk” with a definite subject and “there is a book on the desk” with an indefinite one; Ainu an and oka(y) behave the same way. Word order, case or agreement often shift between the two.
Copula with a proform
[there] [be] [X] ([at LOC])A proform joins the copula and the thing whose existence is asserted follows it. English there stands in the subject slot; Italian ci is a locative clitic on the verb.
Possessive frame
([there]) [has / with] [X]The existential borrows the frame of a possessive clause, so the thing whose existence is asserted sits where an object would and controls no agreement — French il y a des livres, never *il y ont.
Specialized existential
[X] [exist]A predicate kept for existence and absent from plain location. Turkish states location as kitap masada, with no var anywhere in it, and uses var for masada kitap var “there is a book on the table”.
No verbal predicate
[there] / [a X] ([at LOC])Existence is asserted with no verb at all — a bare indefinite nominal, which a locative phrase may follow.
Geographic distribution
Each dot is one attested language, coloured by the strategy it uses. Click a dot for the surface form.
Marker positions are approximate cultural centres — they are not territorial claims. Tiles: OpenFreeMap · © OpenStreetMap contributors · Dark tiles: © CARTO.
Shared predicates
Many languages use one predicate for more than one of these three. Each language sits in the region covering everything its predicate can express.
Language comparison
| Language | Strategy | Expression | Origin & overlap | Note |
|---|---|---|---|---|
Japanese Japonic | Plain locational clause | ある / いる aru / iru | from an existential root · established locationexistencepossession also states location | the same verbs head plain locational clauses with a definite subject (本は机の上にある), and both carry possession — 私に子供がいる. Animate いる against inanimate ある. いる continues an older verb “sit down, be seated”; ある continues an old existential root. |
Korean Koreanic | Plain locational clause | 있다 itda | from an existential root · established locationexistencepossession also states location | covers location, existence and possession alike, with one form for animate and inanimate. 계시다 is the honorific used of people whose status calls for it, not of animates generally. Suppletive negative 없다. |
Ainu Ainu (isolate, critically endangered) | Plain locational clause | an (SG) / oka(y) (PL) | from an existential root · established locationexistencepossession also states location | one predicate for existence and location. Strictly intransitive: the bare existential is [theme] an, and a location is an optional oblique (N or ta), never a second argument. Number suppletion rather than an animacy split; suppletive negative isam. Possession is mostly the transitive kor, but an also carries a BE-type possessive with affiliative-form inalienable nouns — a=yupi an “I have an elder brother”, a closed class rather than general possession. |
Finnish Uralic › Finnic | Plain locational clause | on | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula olla; ground-first order carries the existential reading. An indefinite subject may take the partitive and then suppresses agreement, but singular count subjects can stay nominative — pihalla on poika “there is a boy in the yard”. The same on carries possession with an adessive possessor: minulla on kirja. |
Estonian Uralic › Finnic | Plain locational clause | on | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula olema, with the ground in the inessive and the pivot nominative — toas on kass. Possession takes an adessive possessor on the same predicate, as in Finnish: mul on raamat. [citation needed] |
Latvian Indo-European › Baltic | Plain locational clause | ir | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula būt, with a locative ground — istabā ir kaķis. Possession puts the possessor in the dative on the same predicate: man ir grāmata. [citation needed] |
Lithuanian Indo-European › Baltic | Plain locational clause | yra | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula būti — kambaryje yra katė. Recorded without possession: Lithuanian differs from Latvian in using the transitive turėti for ordinary possession rather than a dative frame on this predicate. [citation needed] |
Mongolian (Khalkha) Mongolic | Plain locational clause | байна baina | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula байх “be”, with the ground in the dative-locative — өрөөнд муур байна. Recorded without possession: Mongolian ordinary possession uses the comitative -тай rather than this predicate alone. [citation needed] |
Indonesian Austronesian › Malayic | Plain locational clause | ada | from an existential root · established locationexistence also states location | also heads definite locational clauses — bukunya ada di meja “the book is on the table”. Continues Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *wada “be present, exist”. |
Basque Basque (isolate) | Plain locational clause | egon (dago / daude) | from “stay, remain” locationexistence also states location | egon is the stage-level locative copula, against izan for identity, and its lexical domain is “stay, remain” rather than a body posture. Trask records no accepted etymology for it, so the origin is a synchronic domain rather than a derivation. Western and central varieties select egon in existentials; eastern varieties use izan, and the ba- prefixed forms are a further pattern. The -a on ura is not a definite in the English sense: Basque extends the article to where English leaves a mass noun bare, and the partitive -ik replaces it under negation — ez dago urik. |
Swahili Atlantic-Congo › Bantu | Plain locational clause | -ko / -po / -mo | from locative morphology · established locationexistence also states location | an agreeing locative copula built on the locative noun classes (16 pa-, 17 ku-, 18 mu-) and related to the locative referential concords. It states location — mbwa yuko nyumbani “the dog is at the house” — and existence alike: watu wapo “there are people”. The commoner existential is kuna. |
German Indo-European › Germanic | Plain locational clause | sein (ist / sind) | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the plain copula competes with es gibt — Im Haus ist ein Hund |
Welsh Indo-European › Celtic | Plain locational clause | mae | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | mae heads both clause types — mae’r ci yn y tŷ “the dog is in the house” against mae ci yn y tŷ “there is a dog in the house” — and the same form of bod carries possession: mae car gan Sioned. |
Irish Indo-European › Celtic | Plain locational clause | tá | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the substantive verb bí. tá cat sa seomra and tá an cat sa seomra differ only in the definiteness of the subject, and the same verb carries possession on a prepositional frame — tá carr agam “there is a car at-me”. [citation needed] |
Scottish Gaelic Indo-European › Celtic | Plain locational clause | tha | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the substantive verb bi, with possession on the same prepositional frame as Irish — tha cù agam. [citation needed] |
Manx Indo-European › Celtic | Plain locational clause | ta | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the substantive verb ve, patterning with Irish tá and Scottish Gaelic tha; possession likewise takes a prepositional possessor — ta moddey aym. [citation needed] |
Cornish Indo-European › Celtic | Plain locational clause | yma | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the affirmative 3SG present of bos, heading both yma kath y’n stevel and the definite locational clause. Non-affirmative clauses with an indefinite subject switch to eus, as Welsh switches from mae to oes. Possession uses the same verb with a prepositional possessor — yma ki dhymm. [citation needed] |
Breton Indo-European › Celtic | Plain locational clause | zo | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | a present form of bezañ “be”. Recorded as location plus existence only: Breton possession is kaout (am eus), built on bezañ but lexicalized as its own verb, so the plain zo of this row does not itself carry possession. [citation needed] |
Latin Indo-European › Italic (historical) | Plain locational clause | est / sunt | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | plain copula esse; ground-first order carries the existential reading — in flumine aqua est. The dative of possession uses the same copula: est mihi liber “to me is a book”. |
Polish Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | jest | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula być, with ground-first order carrying the existential reading — w pokoju jest kot. Negation switches the pivot to the genitive under nie ma rather than negating jest. [citation needed] |
Czech Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | je | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula být, unchanged between v místnosti je kočka and the definite locational clause. [citation needed] |
Slovak Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | je | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula byť, patterning with Czech. [citation needed] |
Slovenian Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | je | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula biti; v sobi je mačka differs from the locational clause by definiteness and order alone. [citation needed] |
Serbian Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | је je | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula бити. има “has” also heads existentials, so this row covers only the copular pattern. [citation needed] |
Croatian Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | je | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula biti, beside an ima existential of the Bulgarian type. [citation needed] |
Bosnian Indo-European › Slavic | Plain locational clause | je | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula biti, as in the neighbouring standards, beside an ima existential. [citation needed] |
Ancient Greek Indo-European › Hellenic (historical) | Plain locational clause | ἔστιν éstin | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula εἰμί, accented on the first syllable in its existential use. The dative of possession runs on the same copula — ἔστι μοι “to me is”, as in Latin est mihi. [citation needed] |
Esperanto Constructed (a posteriori, Indo-European-based) | Plain locational clause | estas | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula esti, unchanged between estas kato en la ĉambro and the definite locational clause. Possession is the transitive havi, so the copula does not carry it. [citation needed] |
Romanian Indo-European › Romance | Plain locational clause | este / e | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the plain copula a fi carries the existential reading with an indefinite pivot — este o pisică în cameră — and locates definite subjects unchanged. The dedicated verb a exista is available for explicit assertions of existence. [citation needed] |
Hindi Indo-European › Indo-Aryan | Plain locational clause | है hai | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula honā doubles as the existential predicate, and carries possession with a postpositional possessor — mere pās kitāb hai “near me a book is” |
Urdu Indo-European › Indo-Aryan | Plain locational clause | ہے hai | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula honā, the same predicate as Hindi है, carrying possession with a postpositional possessor — mere pās kitāb hai. [citation needed] |
Nepali Indo-European › Indo-Aryan | Plain locational clause | छ cha | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | the copula हुनु, unchanged between the existential and the definite locational clause. Possession takes a comitative possessor — मसँग किताब छ. [citation needed] |
Bengali Indo-European › Indo-Aryan | Plain locational clause | আছে ache | from an existential root · established locationexistencepossession also states location | the third-person form of the root আছ- “be, exist”, which also carries possession — আমার একটা ভাই আছে “I have a brother”. [citation needed] |
Persian (Farsi) Indo-European › Iranian | Plain locational clause | است ast | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula budan. The emphatic existential هست hast stands beside it and is the form Tajik generalized. Possession is the transitive داشتن dāštan, so the copula does not carry it. [citation needed] |
Pashto Indo-European › Iranian | Plain locational clause | ده / دی da / di | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the copula, agreeing with the pivot in gender and number; the existential differs from the locational clause by definiteness and order rather than by predicate. [citation needed] |
Hungarian Uralic › Ugric | Plain locational clause | van | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession also states location | van marks both location and existence. In the possessive clause the possessed noun carries the possessive suffix and the possessor may take dative marking — Marinak van egy kutyája. |
Arabic (MSA) Afro-Asiatic › Semitic | Plain locational clause | هناك hunāka | from a deictic · transparent locationexistence also states location | the locative deictic is itself the predicate, with no copula in the present. It heads a plain locational clause with a definite subject — al-kitābu hunāka “the book is there” — as well as the existential hunāka kitābun. |
Arabic (MSA) Afro-Asiatic › Semitic | Plain locational clause | يوجد yūjad | from FIND · transparent locationexistence also states location | passive of wajada “find”, so literally “is found”. It also takes definite subjects — yūjadu l-muʿallimu fī l-ġurfa “the teacher is in the room”. |
English Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | there is / there are | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | expletive there fills the subject slot and the coda is optional. The pivot resists a definite — *there is the book on the table — while the plain copula takes one freely: the book is on the table. |
Dutch Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | er is / er zijn | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | er is the unstressed locative pro-form paired with stressed daar “there”, so the element is locative in origin rather than a bare expletive. The copula locates definite subjects on its own — de kat is in de kamer. |
Afrikaans Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | daar is | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the full locative adverb daar “there” fills the slot, without the unstressed/stressed split Dutch draws between er and daar. |
Danish Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | der er | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | der “there” against the expletive det of the Norwegian and Icelandic pattern. |
West Frisian Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | der is | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | der patterns with Danish der and Dutch er rather than with the expletive det type. Confidence is medium because the proform is read off the construction rather than from a grammar. [citation needed] |
Norwegian Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | det er | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | expletive det “it”, not a locative. Nynorsk has the same frame — det er ein katt. |
Icelandic Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | það er | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | expletive það “it”; the pivot stays indefinite while the plain copula locates definite subjects. |
Faroese Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | tað er | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | expletive tað “it”, matching the Icelandic frame. [citation needed] |
Yiddish Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | עס איז es iz | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | expletive עס “it”, as in German es, but with the copula rather than the geben “give” frame that German prefers. |
Luxembourgish Indo-European › Germanic | Copula with a proform | et ass | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | expletive et “it” with the copula, beside the German es gibt frame of its neighbour. [citation needed] |
Italian Indo-European › Romance | Copula with a proform | c’è / ci sono | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the clitic ci plus essere “be”. ci is locative in origin, though in the existential many analyses treat it as a bleached expletive. |
Corsican Indo-European › Romance | Copula with a proform | ci hè | from BE · transparent locationexistence also states location | the locative clitic ci plus esse “be”, the same shape as Italian c’è. [citation needed] |
French Indo-European › Romance | Possessive frame | il y a | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | expletive il, locative y, and avoir “have”, which is still the ordinary possessive verb. The pivot is an object and controls no agreement — il y a des livres, never *il y ont. avoir states possession, not location. |
Bulgarian Indo-European › Slavic | Possessive frame | има ima | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the ordinary possessive verb имам used impersonally — има котка в стаята. The pivot is an object and controls no agreement, and plain location takes the copula instead. [citation needed] |
Macedonian Indo-European › Slavic | Possessive frame | има ima | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the same impersonal има as Bulgarian, the Balkan areal pattern against the copular existentials further north. [citation needed] |
Albanian Indo-European › Albanian | Possessive frame | ka | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the possessive verb kam “have” used impersonally — në dhomë ka një mace. The Balkan areal pattern shared with Bulgarian and Macedonian има, across unrelated branches. [citation needed] |
Thai Tai-Kadai › Tai | Possessive frame | มี mii | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the ordinary possessive verb “have” heads the existential — มีแมวอยู่ในห้อง. Plain location of a known entity takes อยู่ yùu instead. [citation needed] |
Lao Tai-Kadai › Tai | Possessive frame | ມີ mī | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the Thai มี pattern in the neighbouring Kra-Dai language: the possessive verb serving as the existential predicate. [citation needed] |
Khmer Austroasiatic › Khmeric | Possessive frame | មាន miən | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the possessive verb “have” as existential predicate — មានឆ្មានៅក្នុងបន្ទប់. The areal pattern of mainland Southeast Asia, shared with Thai, Lao, Vietnamese and Chinese across three unrelated families. [citation needed] |
Catalan Indo-European › Romance | Possessive frame | hi ha | from HAVE · transparent existence not for plain location | locative clitic hi plus haver “have”. The pivot is an object and controls no agreement — hi ha gats, never *hi han gats. haver has withdrawn to the auxiliary and this existential; ordinary possession is tenir, so the lexeme no longer covers possession the way French avoir does. [citation needed] |
Occitan Indo-European › Romance | Possessive frame | i a | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | locative i plus aver “have”, matching the French and Catalan frame. Confidence is medium because whether aver still carries ordinary possession varies across the dialects this single row stands for. [citation needed] |
Walloon Indo-European › Romance | Possessive frame | i gn a | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | locative i and the verb aveur “have”, parallel to French il y a with an extra gn. [citation needed] |
Mandarin Chinese Sino-Tibetan › Sinitic | Possessive frame | 有 yǒu | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | the ordinary possessive verb also predicates existence in the frame [place] 有 [pivot]. Plain location of a known entity takes 在 instead — 书在桌上. |
Vietnamese Austroasiatic › Vietic | Possessive frame | có | from HAVE · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | có “have, possess” serves as the existential predicate; plain location normally takes ở. có is also an affirmative focus marker and can appear before ở in that role, which makes the two uses hard to tell apart. |
Swahili Atlantic-Congo › Bantu | Possessive frame | kuna / pana / mna | from “with” · transparent existencepossession not for plain location | locative class agreement (cl.17 ku-, cl.16 pa-, cl.18 m-) plus comitative -na “with”, the same -na that builds possession in nina “I have”. Marten calls these locative-possessive constructions; they cannot take a definite theme as an ordinary subject. |
Welsh Indo-European › Celtic | Specialized existential | oes | from BE · transparent locationexistencepossession not for plain location | the existential form of bod in present interrogatives, with does dim supplying the negative. It cannot take a definite subject — *oes y ci yn y tŷ, where the locational clause needs mae, or ydy in a question. |
Turkish Turkic › Oghuz | Specialized existential | var / yok | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | existential and possessive predicate, usually analysed as nominal predication; uninflected for person but takes copular morphology (var-dır, var-dı). Plain location uses no var — kitap masada. A location is typical but optional: Tanrı var “God exists”. Suppletive negative yok. Old Turkic bar “existence, wealth” is a noun, which is why the modern predicate takes copular rather than verbal morphology. |
Azerbaijani Turkic › Oghuz | Specialized existential | var | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive yoxdur. [citation needed] |
Turkmen Turkic › Oghuz | Specialized existential | bar | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive ýok. [citation needed] |
Uzbek Turkic › Karluk | Specialized existential | bor | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive yoʻq. [citation needed] |
Kazakh Turkic › Kipchak | Specialized existential | бар bar | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive жоқ. [citation needed] |
Kyrgyz Turkic › Kipchak | Specialized existential | бар bar | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive жок. [citation needed] |
Tatar Turkic › Kipchak | Specialized existential | бар bar | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive юк. [citation needed] |
Bashkir Turkic › Kipchak | Specialized existential | бар bar | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive юҡ. [citation needed] |
Uyghur Turkic › Karluk | Specialized existential | بار bar | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive yoq. [citation needed] |
Greek (Modern) Indo-European › Hellenic | Specialized existential | υπάρχει ypárchei | from an existential root · transparent existence not for plain location | υπάρχω “exist” as a dedicated existential predicate, which plain location does not use — there the copula είναι serves. Impersonal έχει “has” is a further colloquial existential. [citation needed] |
Armenian Indo-European › Armenian | Specialized existential | կա ka | from an existential root · established existencepossession not for plain location | a dedicated existential predicate distinct from the copula է, carrying possession on a locative frame — ինձ մոտ կա. Suppletive negative չկա. [citation needed] |
Hebrew (Modern) Afro-Asiatic › Semitic | Specialized existential | יש / אין yesh / ein | from an existential root existencepossession not for plain location | invariant existential particles; a definite located subject drops yesh entirely. The deeper source is debated, so it is recorded as an existential element rather than assigned a lexical domain. |
Tagalog (Filipino) Austronesian › Philippine | Specialized existential | may / mayroon | no recoverable source existencepossession not for plain location | one predicate for existence and possession, with no transitive HAVE-verb anywhere in the language. May pusa sa bahay “there is a cat in the house” is subjectless; May pera ako “I have money” is the same predicate with the possessor added as the ang-phrase. Plain location of a definite entity takes nasa instead — Nasa bahay ang pusa. The longer mayroon is may plus the locative demonstrative roon “there”, fused as in Spanish hay. Suppletive negative wala covers non-existence and non-possession alike. |
Russian Indo-European › Slavic | Specialized existential | есть / нет jest’ / net | from BE · established existencepossession not for plain location | есть descends from the 3sg present of быть, but ordinary present locational clauses take zero and reject it — твой мобильник (*есть) на кухне — so есть is now reserved for existential and possessive assertion and does not agree. Negative нет takes a genitive pivot. |
Ukrainian Indo-European › Slavic | Specialized existential | є je | from BE · established existencepossession not for plain location | є continues the 3SG present of бути, which the ordinary present locational clause otherwise leaves out. It carries possession on the same locative frame — у мене є книга. [citation needed] |
Belarusian Indo-European › Slavic | Specialized existential | ёсць josć | from BE · established existencepossession not for plain location | the Russian есть pattern: a present-tense form kept for existential and possessive assertion — у мяне ёсць кніга. [citation needed] |
Tajik Indo-European › Iranian | Specialized existential | ҳаст hast | from BE · established existence not for plain location | Tajik uses the hast form of the Persian pair, not the plain copula аст: дар ҳуҷра як гурба ҳаст. Recorded as specialized on that contrast, against the Persian row where аст heads both clause types. [citation needed] |
Spanish Indo-European › Romance | Specialized existential | hay | from HAVE · established existence not for plain location | from ha + y (< Latin ibi), but haber is no longer the ordinary possessive verb — that is tener — and the -y has fused, so synchronically hay is a single invariant impersonal existential rather than verb plus proform. |
Portuguese Indo-European › Romance | Specialized existential | há | from HAVE · established existence not for plain location | haver 3SG, invariant and impersonal — há gatos, never *hão gatos. Ordinary possession is ter, so haver survives here and as an auxiliary. Colloquial Brazilian Portuguese largely replaces it with tem. [citation needed] |
Galician Indo-European › Romance | Specialized existential | hai | from HAVE · established existence not for plain location | the Spanish hay pattern: haber fused with a locative element and now invariant, while ordinary possession is ter. [citation needed] |
Asturian Indo-European › Romance | Specialized existential | hai | from HAVE · established existence not for plain location | the same fused impersonal as Galician and Spanish, with tener carrying possession. [citation needed] |
German Indo-European › Germanic | Specialized existential | es gibt | from GIVE · transparent existence not for plain location | literally “it gives”. It is not restricted to enduring existence — heute gibt es Pizza — and overlaps in use with sein. |
Swedish Indo-European › Germanic | Specialized existential | det finns | from FIND · established locationexistence also states location | with det the pivot is indefinite; without it, finnas states location of a definite subject — boken finns på biblioteket “the book is at the library”. finnas is related to finna “find” but is now a lexicalized verb “exist, be present” rather than a productive passive. |
Pela Sino-Tibetan › Burmish (endangered) | Specialized existential | tʃàʔ | from “stay, remain” · established existence | used of concrete things, and continues a verb “remain, be left over”. Pela chooses among three existential predicates by what kind of thing is said to exist; case is unmarked on both sides, so the intransitive analysis is provisional. |
Pela Sino-Tibetan › Burmish (endangered) | Specialized existential | pá | from HAVE · established existence | used of qualities and abstract things such as periods of time, from a verb “contain”. Whether it is transitive, intransitive or both is left open by the contributor. |
Pela Sino-Tibetan › Burmish (endangered) | Specialized existential | ŋjí | from “stay, remain” · established existence | used of people standing in a relationship — kin, friends — and continues a verb “dwell, live”. |
Māori Austronesian › Polynesian | No verbal predicate | he X | from an article · established existence | an affirmative existential can be he plus an indefinite nominal on its own — he kurī “there is a dog” — with no predicate head; he continues the Proto-Polynesian indefinite article. Whether kei/i in he kurī kei te kāinga head that clause is contested. |
Examples
Toggle between Natural / Literal / Gloss to see how each language conceptualises the same idea.
“There is water in the river.”
A mass noun in a natural location. Reveals each language’s basic existential strategy and how it packages the locative phrase.
There is water in the river.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Il y a de l’eau dans la rivière.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Hay agua en el río.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
C’è acqua nel fiume.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Es gibt Wasser im Fluss.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Det finns vatten i floden.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
川に水がある。
kawa ni mizu ga aru.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
강에 물이 있다.
gang-e mul-i issda.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
河里有水。
hé lǐ yǒu shuǐ.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Nehirde su var.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
В реке есть вода.
V reke yest’ voda.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
יש מים בנהר.
yesh mayim ba-nahar.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Ada air di sungai.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Joessa on vettä.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Mtoni kuna maji.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Mae dŵr yn yr afon.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
In flumine aqua est.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Pet or ta wakka an.
ペッ オッタ ワッカ アン
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
नदी में पानी है।
nadī mẽ pānī hai.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
هناك ماء في النهر.
hunāka māʔun fī n-nahr.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Có nước trong sông.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
A folyóban van víz.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Ibaian ura dago.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
He wai kei te awa.
- Natural
- There is water in the river.
Polarity: from “there is” to “there is no”
Negating existence — “there is no X” — is its own typological domain. Some languages just stack a sentential negator on top of the affirmative existential (English there is → there isn’t, French il y a → il n’y a pas). Others recruit a wholly different lexical item for negative existence — a *suppletive* negative existential — which is the typologically interesting case (Russian есть/нет, Turkish var/yok, Hebrew יש/אין, Korean 있다/없다, Welsh mae/does, Hungarian van/nincs, Ainu an/isam). A third pattern uses a negator that only attaches to this construction and effectively fuses with the existential (Mandarin 有 → 没有, Swahili kuna → hakuna). Suppletive negative existentials are the seed of Veselinova’s *Negative Existential Cycle* — the diachronic process by which they expand into general clause negation.
Affirmative ↔ negative contrasts
A distinct lexical item for negative existence — no morphological relationship to the affirmative.
| Language | Affirmative | Negative | Note |
|---|---|---|---|
Russian Indo-European › Slavic | есть jest’ | нет net | нет < ne yest’ (fused); negated noun goes into the genitive |
Turkish Turkic › Oghuz | var | yok | invariant pair; canonical case study |
Hebrew (Modern) Afro-Asiatic › Semitic | יש yesh | אין ein | invariant particles; both head their own clause |
Tagalog (Filipino) Austronesian › Philippine | may / mayroon | wala | wala negates existence and possession alike, matching the reach of may |
Korean Koreanic | 있다 itda | 없다 eopda | distinct verb stems; both inflect normally |
Welsh Indo-European › Celtic | mae | does (dim) | does is a dedicated negative existential form of bod |
Hungarian Uralic › Ugric | van | nincs | nincs fuses nem + van; PL nincsenek |
Ainu Ainu (isolate, critically endangered) | an / oka | isam | isam “not exist, be absent” is a dedicated negative existential verb |
Japanese Japonic | ある / いる aru / iru | ない / いない nai / inai | aru ↔ nai is suppletive (distinct root); iru → inai is regular -nai negation |
A negator dedicated to (or fused with) the existential, used in this construction only.
| Language | Affirmative | Negative | Note |
|---|---|---|---|
Mandarin Chinese Sino-Tibetan › Sinitic | 有 yǒu | 没有 méi yǒu | 没 is the dedicated negator for 有 (and for past); ordinary 不 never combines with 有 |
Swahili Atlantic-Congo › Bantu | kuna | hakuna | ha- (negative class 17 prefix) + kuna; lexicalised in greetings like hakuna matata |
Same existential predicate, with a regular clausal or pre-predicate negator.
| Language | Affirmative | Negative | Note |
|---|---|---|---|
English Indo-European › Germanic | there is | there is no / isn’t | no (determiner) or not (clausal); both yield negative existence |
French Indo-European › Romance | il y a | il n’y a pas (de) | bipartite ne … pas; pas often dropped in speech (see Jespersen’s Cycle) |
Spanish Indo-European › Romance | hay | no hay | |
Italian Indo-European › Romance | c’è / ci sono | non c’è / non ci sono | |
German Indo-European › Germanic | es gibt | es gibt kein / nicht | kein (negative determiner) is the unmarked option for indefinite nouns |
Swedish Indo-European › Germanic | det finns | det finns inte / inget | |
Latin Indo-European › Italic (historical) | est | nōn est | |
Arabic (MSA) Afro-Asiatic › Semitic | هناك / يوجد hunāka / yūjad | ليس هناك / لا يوجد laysa hunāka / lā yūjad | laysa is the standard nominal negator; lā yūjad uses the verbal lā |
Hindi Indo-European › Indo-Aryan | है hai | नहीं है nahī̃ hai | |
Vietnamese Austroasiatic › Vietic | có | không có | không “not” precedes có |
Finnish Uralic › Finnic | on (+ partitive) | ei ole (+ partitive) | negative auxiliary ei; subject is partitive under negation |
Basque Basque (isolate) | dago | ez dago (+ partitive) | partitive -ik appears on the existence-predicated noun under negation |
Māori Austronesian › Polynesian | he X kei/i … | kāhore he X | clausal negator kāhore precedes the existential predication |
Indonesian Austronesian › Malayic | ada | tidak ada / tak ada |
Negative examples
Negating the inanimate-set test sentence. Watch where the negator sits — and where it disappears entirely into a dedicated lexical item.
“There is no water in the river.”
There is no water in the river.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Il n’y a pas d’eau dans la rivière.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
No hay agua en el río.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Non c’è acqua nel fiume.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Es gibt kein Wasser im Fluss.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Det finns inget vatten i floden.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
河里没有水。
hé lǐ méi yǒu shuǐ.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
川に水がない。
kawa ni mizu ga nai.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
강에 물이 없다.
gang-e mul-i eopda.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Nehirde su yok.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
В реке нет воды.
V reke net vody.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
אין מים בנהר.
ein mayim ba-nahar.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
لا يوجد ماء في النهر.
lā yūjad māʔun fī n-nahr.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Không có nước trong sông.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
नदी में पानी नहीं है।
nadī mẽ pānī nahī̃ hai.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
A folyóban nincs víz.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Joessa ei ole vettä.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Ibaian ez dago urik.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Does dim dŵr yn yr afon.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
In flumine aqua nōn est.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Mtoni hakuna maji.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Pet or ta wakka isam.
ペッ オッタ ワッカ イサㇺ
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Kāhore he wai i te awa.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
Tidak ada air di sungai.
- Natural
- There is no water in the river.
References
- @masajaninga 2026 01@masajaninga (2026).Pela existential predicates tʃàʔ, pá and ŋjí, split by the class of the pivot.X, 27 July 2026. https://x.com/masajaninga/status/2081670630638813570
- Allan et al. 1995 02Allan, Robin; Holmes, Philip; Lundskær-Nielsen, Tom (1995).Danish: A Comprehensive Grammar.Routledge.
- Bentley et al. 2015 03Bentley, Delia; Ciconte, Francesco Maria; Cruschina, Silvio (2015).Existentials and Locatives in Romance Dialects of Italy.Oxford University Press.
- Bugaeva 2012 04Bugaeva, Anna (2012).Southern Hokkaido Ainu.In Tranter, Nicolas (eds.), The Languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. 461–509.
- Chung & Ladusaw 2004 05Chung, Sandra; Ladusaw, William A. (2004).Restriction and Saturation.MIT Press.
- Clark 1978 06Clark, Eve V. (1978).Locationals: Existential, locative, and possessive constructions.In Greenberg, Joseph H. (eds.), Universals of Human Language, Vol. 4: Syntax. Stanford University Press. 85–126.
- Creissels 2019 07Creissels, Denis (2019).Inverse-locational predication in typological perspective.Italian Journal of Linguistics. 31(2): 37–106. https://www.italian-journal-linguistics.com/app/uploads/2021/05/2_Creissels.pdf doi:10.26346/1120-2726-138
- Croft 1991 08Croft, William (1991).The evolution of negation.
- Donaldson 1993 09
- Donaldson 1997 10Donaldson, Bruce (1997).Dutch: A Comprehensive Grammar.Routledge.
- Dryer & Haspelmath 2013 11Dryer, Matthew S.; Haspelmath, Martin (2013).The World Atlas of Language Structures Online.Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. https://wals.info
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- Freeze 1992 13
- Heine 1997 14Heine, Bernd (1997).Possession: Cognitive Sources, Forces, and Grammaticalization.Cambridge University Press.
- Heine & Kuteva 2002 15Heine, Bernd; Kuteva, Tania (2002).World Lexicon of Grammaticalization.Cambridge University Press.
- Holmes & Hinchliffe 2003 16Holmes, Philip; Hinchliffe, Ian (2003).Swedish: A Comprehensive Grammar, 2nd edn.Routledge.
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- Miestamo 2005 22Miestamo, Matti (2005).Standard Negation: The Negation of Declarative Verbal Main Clauses in a Typological Perspective.Mouton de Gruyter.
- Mosegaard Hansen 2013 23Mosegaard Hansen, Maj-Britt (2013).Negation in the history of French.In Willis, David; Lucas, Christopher; Breitbarth, Anne (eds.), The History of Negation in the Languages of Europe and the Mediterranean, Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. 51–76.
- Nakagawa 2024 24Nakagawa, Hiroshi 中川裕 (2024).アイヌ語広文典 [Ainugo kōbunten: An extensive grammar of the Ainu language].Hakusuisha 白水社.
- Sabbagh 2009 25Sabbagh, Joseph (2009).Existential sentences in Tagalog.
- Satō 2008 26Satō, Tomomi 佐藤知己 (2008).アイヌ語文法の基礎 [Foundations of Ainu grammar].Daigaku Shorin 大学書林.
- Schachter & Otanes 1972 27Schachter, Paul; Otanes, Fe T. (1972).Tagalog Reference Grammar.University of California Press.
- Stassen 2009 28Stassen, Leon (2009).Predicative Possession.Oxford University Press.
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- Veselinova 2014 31Veselinova, Ljuba N. (2014).The Negative Existential Cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data.In Hancil, Sylvie; van Gelderen, Elly (eds.), On Multiple Source Constructions in Language Change. John Benjamins. 139–187.
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Related patterns
Corrections
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