Language Patterns
Recurring patterns across languages, space, and time.
Pattern

Existence

How do languages say “there is”?

“The water is in the river” takes the water as given and tells you where it is. “There is water in the river” reverses that: the river is the setting and the water is the news. Saying that something exists therefore reuses the machinery for saying where it is, and languages differ in how much they change along the way — some leave the locational predicate untouched, some add a placeholder subject, some borrow the possessive verb, and some keep a predicate for existence alone. The choice often splits by animacy and by number.

Strategies

Plain locational clause

[X] ([at LOC]) [be located]

One clause shape serves both readings. Japanese 本が机の上にある is “the book is on the desk” with a definite subject and “there is a book on the desk” with an indefinite one; Ainu an and oka(y) behave the same way. Word order, case or agreement often shift between the two.

Japanese · ある / いる aru / iruKorean · 있다 itdaAinu · an (SG) / oka(y) (PL) Finnish · on Estonian · on Latvian · ir Lithuanian · yra Mongolian (Khalkha) · байна bainaIndonesian · ada Basque · egon (dago / daude) Swahili · -ko / -po / -mo German · sein (ist / sind) Welsh · mae Irish · Scottish Gaelic · tha Manx · ta Cornish · yma Breton · zo Latin · est / sunt Polish · jest Czech · je Slovak · je Slovenian · je Serbian · је jeCroatian · je Bosnian · je Ancient Greek · ἔστιν éstinEsperanto · estas Romanian · este / e Hindi · है haiUrdu · ہے haiNepali · chaBengali · আছে achePersian (Farsi) · است astPashto · ده / دی da / diHungarian · van Arabic (MSA) · هناك hunākaArabic (MSA) · يوجد yūjad

Copula with a proform

[there] [be] [X] ([at LOC])

A proform joins the copula and the thing whose existence is asserted follows it. English there stands in the subject slot; Italian ci is a locative clitic on the verb.

English · there is / there are Dutch · er is / er zijn Afrikaans · daar is Danish · der er West Frisian · der is Norwegian · det er Icelandic · það er Faroese · tað er Yiddish · עס איז es izLuxembourgish · et ass Italian · c’è / ci sono Corsican · ci hè

Possessive frame

([there]) [has / with] [X]

The existential borrows the frame of a possessive clause, so the thing whose existence is asserted sits where an object would and controls no agreement — French il y a des livres, never *il y ont.

French · il y a Bulgarian · има imaMacedonian · има imaAlbanian · ka Thai · มี miiLao · ມີ Khmer · មាន miənCatalan · hi ha Occitan · i a Walloon · i gn a Mandarin Chinese · yǒuVietnamese · Swahili · kuna / pana / mna

Specialized existential

[X] [exist]

A predicate kept for existence and absent from plain location. Turkish states location as kitap masada, with no var anywhere in it, and uses var for masada kitap var “there is a book on the table”.

Welsh · oes Turkish · var / yok Azerbaijani · var Turkmen · bar Uzbek · bor Kazakh · бар barKyrgyz · бар barTatar · бар barBashkir · бар barUyghur · بار barGreek (Modern) · υπάρχει ypárcheiArmenian · կա kaHebrew (Modern) · יש / אין yesh / einTagalog (Filipino) · may / mayroon Russian · есть / нет jest’ / netUkrainian · є jeBelarusian · ёсць josćTajik · ҳаст hastSpanish · hay Portuguese · Galician · hai Asturian · hai German · es gibt Swedish · det finns Pela · tʃàʔ Pela · Pela · ŋjí

No verbal predicate

[there] / [a X] ([at LOC])

Existence is asserted with no verb at all — a bare indefinite nominal, which a locative phrase may follow.

Māori · he X

Geographic distribution

Each dot is one attested language, coloured by the strategy it uses. Click a dot for the surface form.

Plain locational clause Copula with a proform Possessive frame Specialized existential No verbal predicate

Marker positions are approximate cultural centres — they are not territorial claims. Tiles: OpenFreeMap · © OpenStreetMap contributors · Dark tiles: © CARTO.

Shared predicates

Many languages use one predicate for more than one of these three. Each language sits in the region covering everything its predicate can express.

Languages grouped by which of location, existence and possession share one predicate.
EXISTENCELOCATIONPOSSESSION12332719

Language comparison

LanguageStrategyExpressionOrigin & overlapNote
Japanese
Japonic
Plain locational clauseある / いる aru / iru
from an existential root · established
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the same verbs head plain locational clauses with a definite subject (本は机の上にある), and both carry possession — 私に子供がいる. Animate いる against inanimate ある. いる continues an older verb “sit down, be seated”; ある continues an old existential root.
Korean
Koreanic
Plain locational clause있다 itda
from an existential root · established
locationexistencepossession
also states location
covers location, existence and possession alike, with one form for animate and inanimate. 계시다 is the honorific used of people whose status calls for it, not of animates generally. Suppletive negative 없다.
Ainu
Ainu (isolate, critically endangered)
Plain locational clausean (SG) / oka(y) (PL)
from an existential root · established
locationexistencepossession
also states location
one predicate for existence and location. Strictly intransitive: the bare existential is [theme] an, and a location is an optional oblique (N or ta), never a second argument. Number suppletion rather than an animacy split; suppletive negative isam. Possession is mostly the transitive kor, but an also carries a BE-type possessive with affiliative-form inalienable nouns — a=yupi an “I have an elder brother”, a closed class rather than general possession.
Finnish
Uralic › Finnic
Plain locational clauseon
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula olla; ground-first order carries the existential reading. An indefinite subject may take the partitive and then suppresses agreement, but singular count subjects can stay nominative — pihalla on poika “there is a boy in the yard”. The same on carries possession with an adessive possessor: minulla on kirja.
Estonian
Uralic › Finnic
Plain locational clauseon
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula olema, with the ground in the inessive and the pivot nominative — toas on kass. Possession takes an adessive possessor on the same predicate, as in Finnish: mul on raamat.
[citation needed]
Latvian
Indo-European › Baltic
Plain locational clauseir
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula būt, with a locative ground — istabā ir kaķis. Possession puts the possessor in the dative on the same predicate: man ir grāmata.
[citation needed]
Lithuanian
Indo-European › Baltic
Plain locational clauseyra
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula būti — kambaryje yra katė. Recorded without possession: Lithuanian differs from Latvian in using the transitive turėti for ordinary possession rather than a dative frame on this predicate.
[citation needed]
Mongolian (Khalkha)
Mongolic
Plain locational clauseбайна baina
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula байх “be”, with the ground in the dative-locative — өрөөнд муур байна. Recorded without possession: Mongolian ordinary possession uses the comitative -тай rather than this predicate alone.
[citation needed]
Indonesian
Austronesian › Malayic
Plain locational clauseada
from an existential root · established
locationexistence
also states location
also heads definite locational clauses — bukunya ada di meja “the book is on the table”. Continues Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *wada “be present, exist”.
Basque
Basque (isolate)
Plain locational clauseegon (dago / daude)
from “stay, remain”
locationexistence
also states location
egon is the stage-level locative copula, against izan for identity, and its lexical domain is “stay, remain” rather than a body posture. Trask records no accepted etymology for it, so the origin is a synchronic domain rather than a derivation. Western and central varieties select egon in existentials; eastern varieties use izan, and the ba- prefixed forms are a further pattern. The -a on ura is not a definite in the English sense: Basque extends the article to where English leaves a mass noun bare, and the partitive -ik replaces it under negation — ez dago urik.
Swahili
Atlantic-Congo › Bantu
Plain locational clause-ko / -po / -mo
from locative morphology · established
locationexistence
also states location
an agreeing locative copula built on the locative noun classes (16 pa-, 17 ku-, 18 mu-) and related to the locative referential concords. It states location — mbwa yuko nyumbani “the dog is at the house” — and existence alike: watu wapo “there are people”. The commoner existential is kuna.
German
Indo-European › Germanic
Plain locational clausesein (ist / sind)
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the plain copula competes with es gibt — Im Haus ist ein Hund
Welsh
Indo-European › Celtic
Plain locational clausemae
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
mae heads both clause types — mae’r ci yn y tŷ “the dog is in the house” against mae ci yn y tŷ “there is a dog in the house” — and the same form of bod carries possession: mae car gan Sioned.
Irish
Indo-European › Celtic
Plain locational clause
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the substantive verb bí. tá cat sa seomra and tá an cat sa seomra differ only in the definiteness of the subject, and the same verb carries possession on a prepositional frame — tá carr agam “there is a car at-me”.
[citation needed]
Scottish Gaelic
Indo-European › Celtic
Plain locational clausetha
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the substantive verb bi, with possession on the same prepositional frame as Irish — tha cù agam.
[citation needed]
Manx
Indo-European › Celtic
Plain locational clauseta
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the substantive verb ve, patterning with Irish tá and Scottish Gaelic tha; possession likewise takes a prepositional possessor — ta moddey aym.
[citation needed]
Cornish
Indo-European › Celtic
Plain locational clauseyma
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the affirmative 3SG present of bos, heading both yma kath y’n stevel and the definite locational clause. Non-affirmative clauses with an indefinite subject switch to eus, as Welsh switches from mae to oes. Possession uses the same verb with a prepositional possessor — yma ki dhymm.
[citation needed]
Breton
Indo-European › Celtic
Plain locational clausezo
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
a present form of bezañ “be”. Recorded as location plus existence only: Breton possession is kaout (am eus), built on bezañ but lexicalized as its own verb, so the plain zo of this row does not itself carry possession.
[citation needed]
Latin
Indo-European › Italic (historical)
Plain locational clauseest / sunt
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
plain copula esse; ground-first order carries the existential reading — in flumine aqua est. The dative of possession uses the same copula: est mihi liber “to me is a book”.
Polish
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clausejest
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula być, with ground-first order carrying the existential reading — w pokoju jest kot. Negation switches the pivot to the genitive under nie ma rather than negating jest.
[citation needed]
Czech
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clauseje
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula být, unchanged between v místnosti je kočka and the definite locational clause.
[citation needed]
Slovak
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clauseje
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula byť, patterning with Czech.
[citation needed]
Slovenian
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clauseje
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula biti; v sobi je mačka differs from the locational clause by definiteness and order alone.
[citation needed]
Serbian
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clauseје je
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula бити. има “has” also heads existentials, so this row covers only the copular pattern.
[citation needed]
Croatian
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clauseje
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula biti, beside an ima existential of the Bulgarian type.
[citation needed]
Bosnian
Indo-European › Slavic
Plain locational clauseje
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula biti, as in the neighbouring standards, beside an ima existential.
[citation needed]
Ancient Greek
Indo-European › Hellenic (historical)
Plain locational clauseἔστιν éstin
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula εἰμί, accented on the first syllable in its existential use. The dative of possession runs on the same copula — ἔστι μοι “to me is”, as in Latin est mihi.
[citation needed]
Esperanto
Constructed (a posteriori, Indo-European-based)
Plain locational clauseestas
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula esti, unchanged between estas kato en la ĉambro and the definite locational clause. Possession is the transitive havi, so the copula does not carry it.
[citation needed]
Romanian
Indo-European › Romance
Plain locational clauseeste / e
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the plain copula a fi carries the existential reading with an indefinite pivot — este o pisică în cameră — and locates definite subjects unchanged. The dedicated verb a exista is available for explicit assertions of existence.
[citation needed]
Hindi
Indo-European › Indo-Aryan
Plain locational clauseहै hai
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula honā doubles as the existential predicate, and carries possession with a postpositional possessor — mere pās kitāb hai “near me a book is”
Urdu
Indo-European › Indo-Aryan
Plain locational clauseہے hai
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula honā, the same predicate as Hindi है, carrying possession with a postpositional possessor — mere pās kitāb hai.
[citation needed]
Nepali
Indo-European › Indo-Aryan
Plain locational clause cha
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the copula हुनु, unchanged between the existential and the definite locational clause. Possession takes a comitative possessor — मसँग किताब छ.
[citation needed]
Bengali
Indo-European › Indo-Aryan
Plain locational clauseআছে ache
from an existential root · established
locationexistencepossession
also states location
the third-person form of the root আছ- “be, exist”, which also carries possession — আমার একটা ভাই আছে “I have a brother”.
[citation needed]
Persian (Farsi)
Indo-European › Iranian
Plain locational clauseاست ast
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula budan. The emphatic existential هست hast stands beside it and is the form Tajik generalized. Possession is the transitive داشتن dāštan, so the copula does not carry it.
[citation needed]
Pashto
Indo-European › Iranian
Plain locational clauseده / دی da / di
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the copula, agreeing with the pivot in gender and number; the existential differs from the locational clause by definiteness and order rather than by predicate.
[citation needed]
Hungarian
Uralic › Ugric
Plain locational clausevan
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
also states location
van marks both location and existence. In the possessive clause the possessed noun carries the possessive suffix and the possessor may take dative marking — Marinak van egy kutyája.
Arabic (MSA)
Afro-Asiatic › Semitic
Plain locational clauseهناك hunāka
from a deictic · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the locative deictic is itself the predicate, with no copula in the present. It heads a plain locational clause with a definite subject — al-kitābu hunāka “the book is there” — as well as the existential hunāka kitābun.
Arabic (MSA)
Afro-Asiatic › Semitic
Plain locational clauseيوجد yūjad
from FIND · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
passive of wajada “find”, so literally “is found”. It also takes definite subjects — yūjadu l-muʿallimu fī l-ġurfa “the teacher is in the room”.
English
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformthere is / there are
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
expletive there fills the subject slot and the coda is optional. The pivot resists a definite — *there is the book on the table — while the plain copula takes one freely: the book is on the table.
Dutch
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformer is / er zijn
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
er is the unstressed locative pro-form paired with stressed daar “there”, so the element is locative in origin rather than a bare expletive. The copula locates definite subjects on its own — de kat is in de kamer.
Afrikaans
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformdaar is
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the full locative adverb daar “there” fills the slot, without the unstressed/stressed split Dutch draws between er and daar.
Danish
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformder er
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
der “there” against the expletive det of the Norwegian and Icelandic pattern.
West Frisian
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformder is
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
der patterns with Danish der and Dutch er rather than with the expletive det type. Confidence is medium because the proform is read off the construction rather than from a grammar.
[citation needed]
Norwegian
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformdet er
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
expletive det “it”, not a locative. Nynorsk has the same frame — det er ein katt.
Icelandic
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformþað er
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
expletive það “it”; the pivot stays indefinite while the plain copula locates definite subjects.
Faroese
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformtað er
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
expletive tað “it”, matching the Icelandic frame.
[citation needed]
Yiddish
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformעס איז es iz
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
expletive עס “it”, as in German es, but with the copula rather than the geben “give” frame that German prefers.
Luxembourgish
Indo-European › Germanic
Copula with a proformet ass
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
expletive et “it” with the copula, beside the German es gibt frame of its neighbour.
[citation needed]
Italian
Indo-European › Romance
Copula with a proformc’è / ci sono
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the clitic ci plus essere “be”. ci is locative in origin, though in the existential many analyses treat it as a bleached expletive.
Corsican
Indo-European › Romance
Copula with a proformci hè
from BE · transparent
locationexistence
also states location
the locative clitic ci plus esse “be”, the same shape as Italian c’è.
[citation needed]
French
Indo-European › Romance
Possessive frameil y a
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
expletive il, locative y, and avoir “have”, which is still the ordinary possessive verb. The pivot is an object and controls no agreement — il y a des livres, never *il y ont. avoir states possession, not location.
Bulgarian
Indo-European › Slavic
Possessive frameима ima
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the ordinary possessive verb имам used impersonally — има котка в стаята. The pivot is an object and controls no agreement, and plain location takes the copula instead.
[citation needed]
Macedonian
Indo-European › Slavic
Possessive frameима ima
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the same impersonal има as Bulgarian, the Balkan areal pattern against the copular existentials further north.
[citation needed]
Albanian
Indo-European › Albanian
Possessive frameka
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the possessive verb kam “have” used impersonally — në dhomë ka një mace. The Balkan areal pattern shared with Bulgarian and Macedonian има, across unrelated branches.
[citation needed]
Thai
Tai-Kadai › Tai
Possessive frameมี mii
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the ordinary possessive verb “have” heads the existential — มีแมวอยู่ในห้อง. Plain location of a known entity takes อยู่ yùu instead.
[citation needed]
Lao
Tai-Kadai › Tai
Possessive frameມີ
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Thai มี pattern in the neighbouring Kra-Dai language: the possessive verb serving as the existential predicate.
[citation needed]
Khmer
Austroasiatic › Khmeric
Possessive frameមាន miən
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the possessive verb “have” as existential predicate — មានឆ្មានៅក្នុងបន្ទប់. The areal pattern of mainland Southeast Asia, shared with Thai, Lao, Vietnamese and Chinese across three unrelated families.
[citation needed]
Catalan
Indo-European › Romance
Possessive framehi ha
from HAVE · transparent
existence
not for plain location
locative clitic hi plus haver “have”. The pivot is an object and controls no agreement — hi ha gats, never *hi han gats. haver has withdrawn to the auxiliary and this existential; ordinary possession is tenir, so the lexeme no longer covers possession the way French avoir does.
[citation needed]
Occitan
Indo-European › Romance
Possessive framei a
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
locative i plus aver “have”, matching the French and Catalan frame. Confidence is medium because whether aver still carries ordinary possession varies across the dialects this single row stands for.
[citation needed]
Walloon
Indo-European › Romance
Possessive framei gn a
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
locative i and the verb aveur “have”, parallel to French il y a with an extra gn.
[citation needed]
Mandarin Chinese
Sino-Tibetan › Sinitic
Possessive frame yǒu
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
the ordinary possessive verb also predicates existence in the frame [place] 有 [pivot]. Plain location of a known entity takes 在 instead — 书在桌上.
Vietnamese
Austroasiatic › Vietic
Possessive frame
from HAVE · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
có “have, possess” serves as the existential predicate; plain location normally takes ở. có is also an affirmative focus marker and can appear before ở in that role, which makes the two uses hard to tell apart.
Swahili
Atlantic-Congo › Bantu
Possessive framekuna / pana / mna
from “with” · transparent
existencepossession
not for plain location
locative class agreement (cl.17 ku-, cl.16 pa-, cl.18 m-) plus comitative -na “with”, the same -na that builds possession in nina “I have”. Marten calls these locative-possessive constructions; they cannot take a definite theme as an ordinary subject.
Welsh
Indo-European › Celtic
Specialized existentialoes
from BE · transparent
locationexistencepossession
not for plain location
the existential form of bod in present interrogatives, with does dim supplying the negative. It cannot take a definite subject — *oes y ci yn y tŷ, where the locational clause needs mae, or ydy in a question.
Turkish
Turkic › Oghuz
Specialized existentialvar / yok
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
existential and possessive predicate, usually analysed as nominal predication; uninflected for person but takes copular morphology (var-dır, var-dı). Plain location uses no var — kitap masada. A location is typical but optional: Tanrı var “God exists”. Suppletive negative yok. Old Turkic bar “existence, wealth” is a noun, which is why the modern predicate takes copular rather than verbal morphology.
Azerbaijani
Turkic › Oghuz
Specialized existentialvar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive yoxdur.
[citation needed]
Turkmen
Turkic › Oghuz
Specialized existentialbar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive ýok.
[citation needed]
Uzbek
Turkic › Karluk
Specialized existentialbor
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive yoʻq.
[citation needed]
Kazakh
Turkic › Kipchak
Specialized existentialбар bar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive жоқ.
[citation needed]
Kyrgyz
Turkic › Kipchak
Specialized existentialбар bar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive жок.
[citation needed]
Tatar
Turkic › Kipchak
Specialized existentialбар bar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive юк.
[citation needed]
Bashkir
Turkic › Kipchak
Specialized existentialбар bar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive юҡ.
[citation needed]
Uyghur
Turkic › Karluk
Specialized existentialبار bar
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Turkic existential predicate, taking copular rather than verbal morphology and absent from plain locational clauses. It carries possession on the same frame, with the possessed noun marked, and is negated by the suppletive yoq.
[citation needed]
Greek (Modern)
Indo-European › Hellenic
Specialized existentialυπάρχει ypárchei
from an existential root · transparent
existence
not for plain location
υπάρχω “exist” as a dedicated existential predicate, which plain location does not use — there the copula είναι serves. Impersonal έχει “has” is a further colloquial existential.
[citation needed]
Armenian
Indo-European › Armenian
Specialized existentialկա ka
from an existential root · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
a dedicated existential predicate distinct from the copula է, carrying possession on a locative frame — ինձ մոտ կա. Suppletive negative չկա.
[citation needed]
Hebrew (Modern)
Afro-Asiatic › Semitic
Specialized existentialיש / אין yesh / ein
from an existential root
existencepossession
not for plain location
invariant existential particles; a definite located subject drops yesh entirely. The deeper source is debated, so it is recorded as an existential element rather than assigned a lexical domain.
Tagalog (Filipino)
Austronesian › Philippine
Specialized existentialmay / mayroon
no recoverable source
existencepossession
not for plain location
one predicate for existence and possession, with no transitive HAVE-verb anywhere in the language. May pusa sa bahay “there is a cat in the house” is subjectless; May pera ako “I have money” is the same predicate with the possessor added as the ang-phrase. Plain location of a definite entity takes nasa instead — Nasa bahay ang pusa. The longer mayroon is may plus the locative demonstrative roon “there”, fused as in Spanish hay. Suppletive negative wala covers non-existence and non-possession alike.
Russian
Indo-European › Slavic
Specialized existentialесть / нет jest’ / net
from BE · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
есть descends from the 3sg present of быть, but ordinary present locational clauses take zero and reject it — твой мобильник (*есть) на кухне — so есть is now reserved for existential and possessive assertion and does not agree. Negative нет takes a genitive pivot.
Ukrainian
Indo-European › Slavic
Specialized existentialє je
from BE · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
є continues the 3SG present of бути, which the ordinary present locational clause otherwise leaves out. It carries possession on the same locative frame — у мене є книга.
[citation needed]
Belarusian
Indo-European › Slavic
Specialized existentialёсць josć
from BE · established
existencepossession
not for plain location
the Russian есть pattern: a present-tense form kept for existential and possessive assertion — у мяне ёсць кніга.
[citation needed]
Tajik
Indo-European › Iranian
Specialized existentialҳаст hast
from BE · established
existence
not for plain location
Tajik uses the hast form of the Persian pair, not the plain copula аст: дар ҳуҷра як гурба ҳаст. Recorded as specialized on that contrast, against the Persian row where аст heads both clause types.
[citation needed]
Spanish
Indo-European › Romance
Specialized existentialhay
from HAVE · established
existence
not for plain location
from ha + y (< Latin ibi), but haber is no longer the ordinary possessive verb — that is tener — and the -y has fused, so synchronically hay is a single invariant impersonal existential rather than verb plus proform.
Portuguese
Indo-European › Romance
Specialized existential
from HAVE · established
existence
not for plain location
haver 3SG, invariant and impersonal — há gatos, never *hão gatos. Ordinary possession is ter, so haver survives here and as an auxiliary. Colloquial Brazilian Portuguese largely replaces it with tem.
[citation needed]
Galician
Indo-European › Romance
Specialized existentialhai
from HAVE · established
existence
not for plain location
the Spanish hay pattern: haber fused with a locative element and now invariant, while ordinary possession is ter.
[citation needed]
Asturian
Indo-European › Romance
Specialized existentialhai
from HAVE · established
existence
not for plain location
the same fused impersonal as Galician and Spanish, with tener carrying possession.
[citation needed]
German
Indo-European › Germanic
Specialized existentiales gibt
from GIVE · transparent
existence
not for plain location
literally “it gives”. It is not restricted to enduring existence — heute gibt es Pizza — and overlaps in use with sein.
Swedish
Indo-European › Germanic
Specialized existentialdet finns
from FIND · established
locationexistence
also states location
with det the pivot is indefinite; without it, finnas states location of a definite subject — boken finns på biblioteket “the book is at the library”. finnas is related to finna “find” but is now a lexicalized verb “exist, be present” rather than a productive passive.
Pela
Sino-Tibetan › Burmish (endangered)
Specialized existentialtʃàʔ
from “stay, remain” · established
existence
used of concrete things, and continues a verb “remain, be left over”. Pela chooses among three existential predicates by what kind of thing is said to exist; case is unmarked on both sides, so the intransitive analysis is provisional.
Pela
Sino-Tibetan › Burmish (endangered)
Specialized existential
from HAVE · established
existence
used of qualities and abstract things such as periods of time, from a verb “contain”. Whether it is transitive, intransitive or both is left open by the contributor.
Pela
Sino-Tibetan › Burmish (endangered)
Specialized existentialŋjí
from “stay, remain” · established
existence
used of people standing in a relationship — kin, friends — and continues a verb “dwell, live”.
Māori
Austronesian › Polynesian
No verbal predicatehe X
from an article · established
existence
an affirmative existential can be he plus an indefinite nominal on its own — he kurī “there is a dog” — with no predicate head; he continues the Proto-Polynesian indefinite article. Whether kei/i in he kurī kei te kāinga head that clause is contested.

Examples

Toggle between Natural / Literal / Gloss to see how each language conceptualises the same idea.

“There is water in the river.”

A mass noun in a natural location. Reveals each language’s basic existential strategy and how it packages the locative phrase.

English

There is water in the river.

Natural
There is water in the river.
French · français

Il y a de l’eau dans la rivière.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Spanish · español

Hay agua en el río.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Italian · italiano

C’è acqua nel fiume.

Natural
There is water in the river.
German · Deutsch

Es gibt Wasser im Fluss.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Swedish · svenska

Det finns vatten i floden.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Japanese · 日本語

川に水がある。

kawa ni mizu ga aru.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Korean · 한국어

강에 물이 있다.

gang-e mul-i issda.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Mandarin Chinese · 普通话

河里有水。

hé lǐ yǒu shuǐ.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Turkish · Türkçe

Nehirde su var.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Russian · русский

В реке есть вода.

V reke yest’ voda.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Hebrew (Modern) · עברית

יש מים בנהר.

yesh mayim ba-nahar.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Indonesian · Bahasa Indonesia

Ada air di sungai.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Finnish · suomi

Joessa on vettä.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Swahili · Kiswahili

Mtoni kuna maji.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Welsh · Cymraeg

Mae dŵr yn yr afon.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Latin · lingua Latina

In flumine aqua est.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Ainu · アイヌ・イタㇰ aynu itak

Pet or ta wakka an.

ペッ オッタ ワッカ アン

Natural
There is water in the river.
Hindi · हिन्दी

नदी में पानी है।

nadī mẽ pānī hai.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Arabic (MSA) · العربية

هناك ماء في النهر.

hunāka māʔun fī n-nahr.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Vietnamese · tiếng Việt

Có nước trong sông.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Hungarian · magyar

A folyóban van víz.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Basque · euskara

Ibaian ura dago.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Māori · te reo Māori

He wai kei te awa.

Natural
There is water in the river.
Polarity

Polarity: from “there is” to “there is no”

Negating existence — “there is no X” — is its own typological domain. Some languages just stack a sentential negator on top of the affirmative existential (English there is → there isn’t, French il y a → il n’y a pas). Others recruit a wholly different lexical item for negative existence — a *suppletive* negative existential — which is the typologically interesting case (Russian есть/нет, Turkish var/yok, Hebrew יש/אין, Korean 있다/없다, Welsh mae/does, Hungarian van/nincs, Ainu an/isam). A third pattern uses a negator that only attaches to this construction and effectively fuses with the existential (Mandarin 有 → 没有, Swahili kuna → hakuna). Suppletive negative existentials are the seed of Veselinova’s *Negative Existential Cycle* — the diachronic process by which they expand into general clause negation.

Affirmative ↔ negative contrasts

Suppletive 9

A distinct lexical item for negative existence — no morphological relationship to the affirmative.

LanguageAffirmativeNegativeNote
Russian
Indo-European › Slavic
есть jest’нет net
нет < ne yest’ (fused); negated noun goes into the genitive
Turkish
Turkic › Oghuz
var yok
invariant pair; canonical case study
Hebrew (Modern)
Afro-Asiatic › Semitic
יש yeshאין ein
invariant particles; both head their own clause
Tagalog (Filipino)
Austronesian › Philippine
may / mayroon wala
wala negates existence and possession alike, matching the reach of may
Korean
Koreanic
있다 itda없다 eopda
distinct verb stems; both inflect normally
Welsh
Indo-European › Celtic
mae does (dim)
does is a dedicated negative existential form of bod
Hungarian
Uralic › Ugric
van nincs
nincs fuses nem + van; PL nincsenek
Ainu
Ainu (isolate, critically endangered)
an / oka isam
isam “not exist, be absent” is a dedicated negative existential verb
Japanese
Japonic
ある / いる aru / iruない / いない nai / inai
aru ↔ nai is suppletive (distinct root); iru → inai is regular -nai negation
Compound negator 2

A negator dedicated to (or fused with) the existential, used in this construction only.

LanguageAffirmativeNegativeNote
Mandarin Chinese
Sino-Tibetan › Sinitic
yǒu没有 méi yǒu
没 is the dedicated negator for 有 (and for past); ordinary 不 never combines with 有
Swahili
Atlantic-Congo › Bantu
kuna hakuna
ha- (negative class 17 prefix) + kuna; lexicalised in greetings like hakuna matata
Same form + negator 14

Same existential predicate, with a regular clausal or pre-predicate negator.

LanguageAffirmativeNegativeNote
English
Indo-European › Germanic
there is there is no / isn’t
no (determiner) or not (clausal); both yield negative existence
French
Indo-European › Romance
il y a il n’y a pas (de)
bipartite ne … pas; pas often dropped in speech (see Jespersen’s Cycle)
Spanish
Indo-European › Romance
hay no hay
Italian
Indo-European › Romance
c’è / ci sono non c’è / non ci sono
German
Indo-European › Germanic
es gibt es gibt kein / nicht
kein (negative determiner) is the unmarked option for indefinite nouns
Swedish
Indo-European › Germanic
det finns det finns inte / inget
Latin
Indo-European › Italic (historical)
est nōn est
Arabic (MSA)
Afro-Asiatic › Semitic
هناك / يوجد hunāka / yūjadليس هناك / لا يوجد laysa hunāka / lā yūjad
laysa is the standard nominal negator; lā yūjad uses the verbal lā
Hindi
Indo-European › Indo-Aryan
है haiनहीं है nahī̃ hai
Vietnamese
Austroasiatic › Vietic
không có
không “not” precedes có
Finnish
Uralic › Finnic
on (+ partitive) ei ole (+ partitive)
negative auxiliary ei; subject is partitive under negation
Basque
Basque (isolate)
dago ez dago (+ partitive)
partitive -ik appears on the existence-predicated noun under negation
Māori
Austronesian › Polynesian
he X kei/i … kāhore he X
clausal negator kāhore precedes the existential predication
Indonesian
Austronesian › Malayic
ada tidak ada / tak ada

Negative examples

Negating the inanimate-set test sentence. Watch where the negator sits — and where it disappears entirely into a dedicated lexical item.

“There is no water in the river.”

English

There is no water in the river.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
French · français

Il n’y a pas d’eau dans la rivière.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Spanish · español

No hay agua en el río.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Italian · italiano

Non c’è acqua nel fiume.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
German · Deutsch

Es gibt kein Wasser im Fluss.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Swedish · svenska

Det finns inget vatten i floden.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Mandarin Chinese · 普通话

河里没有水。

hé lǐ méi yǒu shuǐ.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Japanese · 日本語

川に水がない。

kawa ni mizu ga nai.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Korean · 한국어

강에 물이 없다.

gang-e mul-i eopda.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Turkish · Türkçe

Nehirde su yok.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Russian · русский

В реке нет воды.

V reke net vody.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Hebrew (Modern) · עברית

אין מים בנהר.

ein mayim ba-nahar.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Arabic (MSA) · العربية

لا يوجد ماء في النهر.

lā yūjad māʔun fī n-nahr.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Vietnamese · tiếng Việt

Không có nước trong sông.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Hindi · हिन्दी

नदी में पानी नहीं है।

nadī mẽ pānī nahī̃ hai.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Hungarian · magyar

A folyóban nincs víz.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Finnish · suomi

Joessa ei ole vettä.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Basque · euskara

Ibaian ez dago urik.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Welsh · Cymraeg

Does dim dŵr yn yr afon.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Latin · lingua Latina

In flumine aqua nōn est.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Swahili · Kiswahili

Mtoni hakuna maji.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Ainu · アイヌ・イタㇰ aynu itak

Pet or ta wakka isam.

ペッ オッタ ワッカ イサㇺ

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Māori · te reo Māori

Kāhore he wai i te awa.

Natural
There is no water in the river.
Indonesian · Bahasa Indonesia

Tidak ada air di sungai.

Natural
There is no water in the river.

References

  1. @masajaninga 2026 01
    @masajaninga (2026).
    Pela existential predicates tʃàʔ, pá and ŋjí, split by the class of the pivot.
  2. Allan et al. 1995 02
    Allan, Robin; Holmes, Philip; Lundskær-Nielsen, Tom (1995).
    Danish: A Comprehensive Grammar.
    Routledge.
  3. Bentley et al. 2015 03
    Bentley, Delia; Ciconte, Francesco Maria; Cruschina, Silvio (2015).
    Existentials and Locatives in Romance Dialects of Italy.
    Oxford University Press.
  4. Bugaeva 2012 04
    Bugaeva, Anna (2012).
    Southern Hokkaido Ainu.
    In Tranter, Nicolas (eds.), The Languages of Japan and Korea. Routledge. 461–509.
  5. Chung & Ladusaw 2004 05
    Chung, Sandra; Ladusaw, William A. (2004).
    Restriction and Saturation.
    MIT Press.
  6. Clark 1978 06
    Clark, Eve V. (1978).
    Locationals: Existential, locative, and possessive constructions.
    In Greenberg, Joseph H. (eds.), Universals of Human Language, Vol. 4: Syntax. Stanford University Press. 85–126.
  7. Creissels 2019 07
    Creissels, Denis (2019).
    Inverse-locational predication in typological perspective.
  8. Croft 1991 08
    Croft, William (1991).
    The evolution of negation.
    Journal of Linguistics. 27(1): 1–27. doi:10.1017/S0022226700012391
  9. Donaldson 1993 09
    Donaldson, Bruce C. (1993).
    A Grammar of Afrikaans.
    Mouton de Gruyter. doi:10.1515/9783110863154
  10. Donaldson 1997 10
    Donaldson, Bruce (1997).
    Dutch: A Comprehensive Grammar.
    Routledge.
  11. Dryer & Haspelmath 2013 11
    Dryer, Matthew S.; Haspelmath, Martin (2013).
    The World Atlas of Language Structures Online.
    Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. https://wals.info
  12. Faarlund et al. 1997 12
    Faarlund, Jan Terje; Lie, Svein; Vannebo, Kjell Ivar (1997).
    Norsk referansegrammatikk.
    Universitetsforlaget.
  13. Freeze 1992 13
    Freeze, Ray (1992).
    Existentials and other locatives.
    Language. 68(3): 553–595. doi:10.2307/415794
  14. Heine 1997 14
    Heine, Bernd (1997).
    Possession: Cognitive Sources, Forces, and Grammaticalization.
    Cambridge University Press.
  15. Heine & Kuteva 2002 15
    Heine, Bernd; Kuteva, Tania (2002).
    World Lexicon of Grammaticalization.
    Cambridge University Press.
  16. Holmes & Hinchliffe 2003 16
    Holmes, Philip; Hinchliffe, Ian (2003).
    Swedish: A Comprehensive Grammar, 2nd edn.
    Routledge.
  17. Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 2003 17
    Hualde, José Ignacio; Ortiz de Urbina, Jon (2003).
    A Grammar of Basque.
    Mouton de Gruyter. doi:10.1515/9783110895285
  18. Jacobs 2005 18
    Jacobs, Neil G. (2005).
    Yiddish: A Linguistic Introduction.
    Cambridge University Press.
  19. King 2015 19
    King, Gareth (2015).
    Modern Welsh: A Comprehensive Grammar, 3rd edn.
  20. Marten 2013 20
    Marten, Lutz (2013).
    Structure and interpretation in Swahili existential constructions.
    Rivista di Linguistica. 25(1): 45–73.
  21. McNally 2011 21
    McNally, Louise (2011).
    Existential sentences.
    In von Heusinger, Klaus; Maienborn, Claudia; Portner, Paul (eds.), Semantics: An International Handbook of Natural Language Meaning, Vol. 2. De Gruyter Mouton. 1829–1848.
  22. Miestamo 2005 22
    Miestamo, Matti (2005).
    Standard Negation: The Negation of Declarative Verbal Main Clauses in a Typological Perspective.
    Mouton de Gruyter.
  23. Mosegaard Hansen 2013 23
    Mosegaard Hansen, Maj-Britt (2013).
    Negation in the history of French.
    In Willis, David; Lucas, Christopher; Breitbarth, Anne (eds.), The History of Negation in the Languages of Europe and the Mediterranean, Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. 51–76.
  24. Nakagawa 2024 24
    Nakagawa, Hiroshi 中川裕 (2024).
    アイヌ語広文典 [Ainugo kōbunten: An extensive grammar of the Ainu language].
    Hakusuisha 白水社.
  25. Sabbagh 2009 25
    Sabbagh, Joseph (2009).
    Existential sentences in Tagalog.
    Natural Language & Linguistic Theory. 27: 675–719. doi:10.1007/s11049-009-9083-3
  26. Satō 2008 26
    Satō, Tomomi 佐藤知己 (2008).
    アイヌ語文法の基礎 [Foundations of Ainu grammar].
    Daigaku Shorin 大学書林.
  27. Schachter & Otanes 1972 27
    Schachter, Paul; Otanes, Fe T. (1972).
    Tagalog Reference Grammar.
    University of California Press.
  28. Stassen 2009 28
    Stassen, Leon (2009).
    Predicative Possession.
    Oxford University Press.
  29. Tamura 2000 29
    Tamura, Suzuko (2000).
    The Ainu Language.
    ICHEL Linguistic Studies, Vol. 2. Sanseido, Tokyo.
  30. Thráinsson 2007 30
    Thráinsson, Höskuldur (2007).
    The Syntax of Icelandic.
    Cambridge University Press.
  31. Veselinova 2014 31
    Veselinova, Ljuba N. (2014).
    The Negative Existential Cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data.
    In Hancil, Sylvie; van Gelderen, Elly (eds.), On Multiple Source Constructions in Language Change. John Benjamins. 139–187.
  32. Veselinova & Hamari 2022 32
    Veselinova, Ljuba N.; Hamari, Arja (2022).
    The Negative Existential Cycle.
  33. Willis et al. 2013 33
    Willis, David; Lucas, Christopher; Breitbarth, Anne (2013).
    The History of Negation in the Languages of Europe and the Mediterranean, Volume 1: Case Studies.
    Oxford University Press.

Related patterns

Corrections

Any of this can be wrong. Dispute what the page says, add a language it is missing, or edit the file it was rendered from.